America Alone:The End of the World as We Know It
By Mark Steyn
Regnery Publishing, 258 pages

Reviewed by John Allen Williams

Readers of Columnist Mark Steyn’s book America Alone: The End of the World As We Know It will find it by turns thought provoking, wildly humorous, and deeply offensive. Those who know Steyn’s work will recognize his use of colloquial – and occasionally outrageous – language to make deadly serious points.

Steyn apparently never saw a liberal sacred cow that didn’t need to be slain, from climate change to the global population explosion. He reserves special scorn for what he views as a mindless and dangerous multiculturalism that views all cultures as morally equivalent and disarms Westerners from defending their own values. There remains hope for America, but he believes it may already be too late for a Europe in a population freefall and moral decline, "too enfeebled to resist its remorseless transformation into Eurabia…."

Steyn believes that three factors combine to pose a threat to the continuation of Western civilization as we know it: demographics, an unsustainable welfare state (especially with a declining population), and "civilizational exhaustion." The balance of his book is an extended discussion of these themes. Given their importance he does not hesitate to give offense – especially to those who think so little of Western culture that they will not defend it lest they give offense to radical Muslims. For example, Steyn is appalled by the failure of Western political leaders and publications to support the right of the Danish newspaper to publish cartoons many Muslims found offensive, but other examples are at least as disturbing.

The book is most convincing in its projections of demographic change, especially in Europe, where many countries (Russia in particular) are not reproducing at a rate that will maintain their present population, let alone increase it. This poses a problem for the welfare state, which relies on increasing numbers of younger workers to support its entitlements. An aging population makes the social welfare system appear like an unsustainable Ponzi scheme, where only the first to collect make any profit. The collapse is inevitable if Europe remains on its present course. (Perhaps the election of Nicolas Sarkozy as President shows that the French are beginning to understand this dynamic.)

The European solution of immigration, mainly from Islamic countries, postpones the economic reckoning, but carries with it unintended social and political consequences if the hoped-for assimilation is incomplete. Without integration into the national culture – made more difficult by resistance and discrimination, to be sure – the pan-Islamic identity becomes the dominant one for many, whether in the working class cities of the United Kingdom or the suburbs of France. The birth rates for the new immigrants are also significantly higher, and long term projections show significant demographic change. Those of us who believe that persons of any race or religion can be fine citizens of an advanced democracy (which is generally the case in the United States, where integration is far more complete than in Europe) may wonder why demography matters, but the rise of second and third generation Jihadists in Britain, the murder of Theo van Gogh in the Netherlands, and the riots in France make it difficult to dismiss questions of cultural assimilation out of hand. In particular, what effects will demographic shifts

have on cultural and political life, especially when assimilation is incomplete?

Many readers will be unconvinced by Steyn’s libertarian view that the government has taken so many responsibilities from citizens, even in America, that they are becoming passive and enfeebled. He notes, "So this is a doomsday book with a twist: an apocalyptic scenario that can best be avoided not by more government but by less – by government returning to the citizenry the primal responsibilities it’s taken from them in the modern era." The balance of his analysis does not rest on this premise, however.

Steyn poses three alternatives for the West in its struggle with radical Islam: submit to it, destroy it, or reform it. The first alternative is unthinkable, the second both impossible and deeply immoral (although he suggests the French might "give it a go in some spectacular way" in response to a nuclear attack), and the third cannot be accomplished by outsiders.

His most important policy recommendation is to "create conditions that increase the likelihood of Muslim reform – or at any rate not actively impede it." Some of his specific suggestions are sound, such as supporting women’s rights, making Muslim states that persecute non-Muslims pay a price for it, reducing our dependence on their oil, and engaging seriously in an ideological struggle with radical Islam. Others are more questionable, such as marginalizing "September 10" international organizations such as the UN, NATO, and the International Atomic Energy Agency, and ending the Iranian regime. Steyn is also enamored of military solutions and spreading "economic and political liberty in the Muslim world, even if it means unsavory governments…." The difficulties of the U.S. in transforming a militarily defeated Iraq should give one pause before going down that road again, and the result has hardly been to encourage and empower voices of moderation in the Muslim world. One is reminded of the bumper sticker, "Be Nice to America or We’ll Bring Democracy to Your Country."

Although some of Steyn’s solutions are controversial, the questions he raises are important and deserve thought: What are the implications of demographic change in the West, whether from immigration (controlled and otherwise) or from differential birthrates? What is the meaning of "citizenship" and what should be expected in the way of assimilation by new arrivals? Language? Understanding and appreciation of fundamental democratic principles? Is "America" something more than a collection of groups living side by side? Do we have the confidence in our own civilization to defend its core values? Are there some practices and beliefs of other cultures that are antithetical to the continuation of the American experiment, and, if so, what are we prepared to do to preserve what is best in this society? Can our political system work to support these things, or does our electoral system prevent leaders from addressing vital issues intelligently?

The answers to these questions will determine the future of our society. Those who support Western civilization and the notions of limited government and individual freedom may differ with some of Steyn’s conclusions, but the questions he raises will not go away. •

John Allen Williams is a member of the National Strategy Forum Review editorial board. He is a professor of Political Science at Loyola University Chicago.